Hi Charles, I thought you might enjoy reading this.
[28]
In a very recent study of Jews and the American cinema, a Jewish researcher concluded: "Jews have
had control of the means of [film] production and thus have enjoyed a protected image despite their minority status in society."
[29] Fifty percent of the major book publishing houses are Jewish-owned.
[30] Accordingly, the Jewish cultural establishment, through its massive influence in the mass media, is able
to determine to a large degree what will and what will not be published, and can thus project its ethno-cultural beliefs upon the mass of American people.
One is therefore justified in agreeing with psychoanalyst Ernst Van den Haag, presented in The Jewish Mystique: Jews as a group - diaspora Jewish culture in America - are a considerable social and political
force in American society. They form a cultural elite which exerts a decided impact upon the sociopolitical direction of American society.
In the words of the president of the American Jewish Congress, Theodore Mann, "We [Jews] have real political power, and have come to feel our strength."
[31] In the cautionary words of Marshal Bregar, former Jewish liaison to the Reagan White House,
"We must be sober and not just exult in all the Jewish power we have." [32] To make the argument
perfectly clear, it is framed in the form of a simple syllogism. Major premise: Inherent in democratic
political theory is the right of every citizen to publicly and privately examine and criticize those powers
which influence the social, political, or economic life of society. Minor premise: American Jewry -
inclusive of its cultural values - is one such powerful group which has a significant impact upon the
social political, and economic life of democratic society.
Conclusion: Therefore, it is the right of the citizen to examine and criticize,
Jewry and its sociopolitical power structure. There is, further, a direct corollary
to this syllogism the existence of the psychosocial taboo by which "criticism of Jewry is synonomous with immoral racism" is an infringement of the democratic right to question any powerful sociopolitical interest This taboo functions as a self-administered censure, making one feel guilty for thinking critically about the political and social power of Jewry, and also subjects any public criticism of the Jews to derisive labeling as "racist anti-Semitism."
Bearing these caveats in mind, how many Americans dare risk exercising
their right to criticize American Jewry? How many businessmen, professionals, labor leaders, academics, intellectuals, and politicians will close their minds and abdicate their duties under the spell of this taboo, dismissing out of hand
possibly truthful claims concerning Jewry merely because these claims constitute
negative, unflattering criticism? To render Jews, their cultural values, beliefs,
biases, history, etc., exempt from critical scrutiny has traditionally been the chief function of the charge of anti-Semitism.
It is, as we shall soon see, a politico-intellectual weapon of the powerful Jewish establishment, used to silence its critics. In a historical sense, it is similiar to the charge of heresy employed by powerful theocratic powers in ages gone by, or the charge of anti-Soviet slander used by the Communist Party in the Soviet Union today. In all these cases, entrenched powers employ such charges, the very raising of which is intended to terrorize, against critics which they deem a threat
By associating a sense of evil with criticism of their power or the doctrines
they promote, these politico-cultural establishments protect their power and ideological doctrines from rational criticism.
Even against the claim that Jews as a group do not have power, that only individual Jews have power,
[33] the argument still applies. If particular Jewish cultural values, beliefs, customs, and the like are causing politically or socially influential Jewish individuals to make decisions which affect society at large, then it is
the citizen's right to subject these same Jewish values, beliefs, or cultural characteristics,
which affect society through the decisions of individual Jews, to rational criticism.
[34] The implications of these arguments are even greater than they may appear at first glance. It is not here argued that criticism of the Jews should be "tolerated" for "freedom of speech" reasons, to satisfy a legal technicality of the First Amendment. Rather, within a society which espouses a democratic philosophy, it is indeed morally correct to examine and criticize all aspects of the sociopolitical power of the Jews. Thus negative criticism of the Jews is not immoral per se. Quite to the contrary! It is the blanket charge of anti-Semitism, raised in the face of any challenge to Jewish power and influence, which is immoral.
III The question remains: if the taboo ("criticism of Jewry is evil"), and the manner in which the charge of anti-Semitism is utilized are incompatible with democratic principles, then why does the anti-Semitism taboo hold sway in a society such as ours which is based upon democratic principles?
If neither from reason or the principles of American democracy, from where do they derive their power to influence? To which irrational proclivities of man - if not to his rational faculties - do they appeal in order to make them so effective and persuasive? What functions do they really serve? Whose interests or needs do they meet? To answer these questions we must start at the beginning, with properly defined terms.
According to the American Heritage Dictionary, an "anti-Semite" is defined as "a person who is hostile towards or prejudiced against the Jews."
[35] In a previous issue of this publication, L.A. Rollins alluded to the criteria used by many Jews and non-Jews to determine who fits this definition. [36] If an individual makes a statement critical of Jews, it is inferred that this person harbors a hatred of and prejudice toward Jews. These criteria, the manner in which anti-Semitism is determined (i.e., if a statement is critical of Jews, then the individual who made the claim is thereby an anti-Semite) are firmly implanted in the minds of many Jews and Gentiles. Needless to say, this outlook is a part and parcel of the public orthodoxy. Mr. Rollins certainly exposed the non sequitur involved here. Critical statements of Jews do not necessarily indicate hatred and prejudice toward Jews. Indeed, critical statements directed toward Jews might equally serve to indicate that the individual who made the statements harbors within himself - rather than hatefulness and prejudice - a deep sense of humanitarianism. For example, consider the case of John Demjanjuk, a Ukrainian American who was accused of war crimes, stripped of his citizenship, and sent to Israel for a show trial. In regard to the Demjanjuk case, Dr. Edward Rubel made the statement: "Jewish Zionist pressure groups in Washington speak through the OSI for the U.S. government." Quite expectedly, a Jewish member of the ADL,Yitzhak Santis, charged Rubel with "anti-Semitism."
[37] That is, Santis interpreted Rubel's statement as being critical of Jews, and thus has inferred that he harbors a hatred of irrational beliefs about Jews. But does this latter inference necessarily follow? By no means! On the basis of Rubel's statement, one could justifiably make quite another inference. Specifically, Rubel could instead harbor a firm belief in Mr. Demjanjuk's innocence, and out of deep, humanitarian concern for the latter's plight, have spoken out against the forces which he sincerely believes are wrongfully persecuting Demjanjuk. In other words, humanitarian concern for Demjanjuk, and not hatred of Jews, may have caused Rubel to speak critically of Jewish pressure. Santis, however, has automatically assumed hostile intent on the part of Rubel.
(The question now remains: what psychosocial forces have induced Santis to assume
hostile intent? More on this point later.)
In addition, Rubel's claim - that the OSI functions as a governmental arm of Jewish Zionist
pressure groups - is not an irrational prejudice, but rather a quite plausible view which is
supported by the evidence.
[38] But even if statements critical of Jews do indicate that the expounder of such statements harbors hostility toward Jews, the statements in question may nevertheless be true. An example
will serve to illustrate the point.
Ernest Dube, a black professor who at one time held a teaching position at the State University
of New York (Stony Brook), taught that Zionism is a form of racism in his courses.
[39] A visiting Israeli professor, Selwyn K. Troen, charged Dube with "anti-Semitism,"
adding that the equation of Zionism with racism is "sloganeering that is practiced by the
anti-Semite."
[40] In accusing Dube of anti- Semitism, precisely what does Troen mean?
Stating that Dube is an anti-Semite, according to the dictionary definition of the term cited
above, is tantamount to claiming that he harbors, deep down, a neurotic hatred of Jews.
This hatred of the Jews has caused him to make irrational, derogatory, and prejudicial statements about them ("anti-Semitic sloganeering").
Case closed, end of story. Dube should be dismissed as a neurotic crank, dismissed from his teaching job, as well, and his claim that Zionism is a form of racism should likewise be dismissed
as an obviously false and prejudicial statement.
[41] Here we have an excellent example of an admixture of an ad hominem fallacy and an
"emotional language" fallacy. The fact that Professor Dube may have an alleged character deficiency - a deep-rooted hatred of Jews - has nothing to do with the objective truth or falsity
of his teaching that Zionism equals racism. Dube's personal character traits are logically
irrelevant to the correctness or incorrectness of his arguments or claims concerning political Zionism. That is, Zionism could indeed be a form of racism, regardless of whether Dube harbors
a personal hatred of Jews. In addition, to label the belief in question as the
"sloganeering of the anti-Semite" is to do just that and nothing else. "Anti-Semitic sloganeering"
is an emotion-loaded phrase attached to the claim, but it does nothing to disprove the truth of
the claim. It is a linguistic artifice, the effect of which is to conjure up all the negative emotions
and responses associated with the code word of "anti-Semitism" in the minds of listeners, and
thus induce them to reject out of hand Dube's statement that Zionism equals racism. In the
words of the logician, Alex Michalos, "The fallacy of confusion with emotional language is committed when, without increasing the supporting evidence for a view, the view is made
more persuasive by the use of emotional language."
[42] Has there in fact been any evidence offered to demonstrate that Dube's teaching is false?
No evidence at all was offered in the statements of Dube's accusers to disprove his teaching.
(That Zionism is indeed a form of racism, according to liberal-humanitarian definitions of the term,
has been convincingly argued by many authors.)
[43] The Dube case exemplifies beautifully the two-fold fallaciousness of the way in which the charge of
anti-Semitism functions. On the one hand it is an argument ad hominem, attacking a person's motives and
character instead of his thesis. (Under objective conditions, an asserted theory or fact is to be examined
quite independently of the attitude or psychic makeup of him who asserts it.) That the charge of anti-Semitism
indeed functions as an argumentive bludgeon to silence all critics of Jews, Zionism, and the state of Israel
has been noted by individuals - including Jews - of all political persuasions. [44] A classic diversionary tactic,
it shifts attention away from a fair examination of the critic of Jewry's claims, and casts ridicule on the critic
and his character instead. Instead of offering reasons or evidence to disprove the claims of the "anti-Semite," the tactic places an emotive label (a code word which elicits automatic, negative responses) on the claims,
thereby magically, through an illogical sleight of hand, disposing of them. Regarding fallacies of this nature,
the logician Irving Copi pointed out: "How they succeed in being persuasive despite their logical incorrectness is in some cases to be explained by their expressive function of evoking attitudes likely to cause the acceptance of, rather than supplying grounds for the truth of, the conclusions they urge." [45] That many
learned intellectuals, well-schooled in the subleties of logic, can throw rationality to the winds and accept
such outright fallacies at face value is a tribute to the psychological power of the charge of anti-Semitism.
IV It is to the psychological essence of the charge of anti-Semitism which our analysis must now turn. Specifically, what psychological attitudes does the charge evoke to make it so potent, coercive, and persuasive an instrument in the minds of Jews who employ it and Gentiles who are subject to it? First, why
is the label of "anti-Semite" such an awesome threat, to be greatly feared by any and all social critics of the Jews? According to anthropological observation in most societies known to man, there is a stigma
attached to mental illness. [46] Our society is no exception to this rule. And it is here, in the reflexive, unthinking, subliminal association of anti-Semitism (read: criticism of Jews) with psychological sickness
that the charge of anti-Semitism derives its awesome power to intimidate, coerce, and silence. It is firmly rooted in the tenets of popular psychology (read: media-promoted ideology), that anyone who criticizes
Jews as a group has an underlying emotional problem, and this supplies the underlying reason for his
criticism. Jews as a group are presented as blameless and powerless, an oppressed minority forever being victimized: by Arab terrorists, Soviet anti-Semites, Germans, Austrians, East Europeans - the list is endless.
By this reading the "racist" critic of Jews alleviates his own intense psychological problems by criticizing
and attacking the powerless Jews. Needless to say, anything said by so confused an individual need only
be disregarded. According to Paul Findley, a former Congressman who dealt extensively with Middle-Eastern issues in his tenure, the charge of anti-Semitism " - is an accusation that brings disdain and horror to just about everyone. No one wants to be accused of being anti-Semitic, and the accusation has been developed into the most odious attack that can be made on an American citizen." [47] Jewish interests, through their pervasive influence on American thinking, have successfully programmed the popular psyche as follows: criticism of the Jews equals hatred of the Jews, which in turn equals mental sickness. [48] Those charged with "anti-Semitism" are prey to the consquences of the distinctly human disgust, aversion and suspicion reserved for the mentally ill. Furthermore, the charge of anti-Semitism serves both as a Jewish sword and a Jewish shield. On the one hand, it is an ad hominem attack upon the character of a critic of Jewry. As such, it functions as a threat, used to intimidate and to coerce the critic or potential critic into silence, and to defame his character and dismiss his assertions if he speaks out Thus it is an offensive weapon, a Jewish sword.
Now, let us see how it functions as a defensive shield for Jewish people. The charge of anti-Semitism can provide Jews psychological insulation from negative criticism, which, even though it be legitimate, is too
painful for conscious acceptance.
A Jew can easily sweep the criticism from conscious awareness by saying, "He [the critic of Jewry] is just an anti-Semite.
Therefore, whatever he says about the Jews is false, and I don't have to listen to him." In a word, it is an excellent example of the Freudian defense mechanism of rationalization. This could well be one of the
major psychic forces behind this seemingly endless drive by certain Jewish organizations to "discover
anti Semitism" in the critics of Zionism and other forms of Jewish social and political influence. The
charge of anti-Semitism could thus function as a conscience-salving self-deception for Jewish
people. V Let us review some of the major points of this essay. The following cultural programming is
a key part of the public orthodoxy: in America today: a) statements critical of Jews imply antipathy toward Jews, and b) antipathy toward Jews or Jewish organizations are the sign of a psychological disturbance. Previously, we have seen that statements critical of Jews do not necessarily arise from a hatred of Jews.
Even if they did, this does not render the assertions false. Let us analyze the validity of belief b. Let it be assumed, for the sake of argument, that a man bears hostility toward Jews or Jewish organizations. The
public orthodoxy, the cultural conventions of our time, demand that we assume the man is either mentally disturbed or "evil." Is this necessarily true? Is it not possible that feelings of antipathy toward the Jews may stem from normal psychological reactions caused by the collective behavior of large numbers of Jews? Consider the following examples. Israeli-Jewish rule of the Israeli-occupied Arab territories (the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip) has been extremely oppressive. The native Palestinians living there are subject to confiscation of their lands, a wide range of legal discrimination; torture and cruel treatment of
Palestinian dissidents; arbitrary arrest and deportation; administrative detention without trial for up to six months; collective punishment (the detonation of living quarters of families of individuals who are merely suspected of an offense); the placement of arbitrary curfews on whole towns; murders and political killings; violation of the native Palestinian's right to privacy; the severe restriction of the press, freedom of speech, peaceful assembly and association, and movement within the territories; and severe restrictions on academic freedom. [49] According to Congressman George Crockett Jr. (D-MI), who made a fact-finding visit
to the Middle East in 1985, the Israeli military government in the occupied territories is ". . . a finely honed instrument of oppression against an entire subject people." [50] Father Edward Dillon, a frequent lecturer on Middle-East-related issues, has summed up the situation perfectly when he wrote: Palestinians have become resident aliens in their own land, without effective recourse for almost any infringement of basic human rights." [51] [The brutal repression of desperate Palestinian demonstrations over the six months following December, 1987 has amply borne these statements out - Ed.] In view of what Palestinian Arabs have experienced at the hands of groups of Israeli Jews, and considering that their awful experiences are the result of the policies of
a Jewish Zionist government, is not one justified in concluding that any generalized feelings of hostility they may harbor toward the Jews are, in a psychological sense, explicable? Would not similar feelings flair up in a group so oppressed by Jews, or by like oppressors with so indentifiable a group character? (A psychological reaction may be explicable, even normal, but not necessarily morally justifiable, of course.) The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 provides another case in point. Post-World-War-II Hungarian society was very oppressive, a virtual Stalinist concentration camp. By 1956 at least one quarter of the entire Hungarian population had been jailed at one time or another, most often on trumped-up charges. If one's father had been a landowner or an officer during the Horthy era, university education was denied him, the higher professions closed, and his fate seemed sealed: to perform menial tasks for the rest of his life. There was additionally the full gamut of Stalinist suppression of religion and freedom of speech, as well as torture and execution of political dissidents. As historian David Irving has pointed out, the leadership of the Communist regime, including the top echelons of the secret police, was almost entirely Jewish. [52] Working from CIA reports, Irving has demonstrated that the great majority of those Hungarians who took part in the revolution, and who subsequently were interviewed by psychologists in America, were motivated by anti-Jewish feelings.
[53] In view of the oppression that these Hungarians had experienced at the hands of a virtual totalitarian, Jewish-controlled government, may one not be justified in concluding that their hostility to Jews was a
normal psychological response - in the sense that most people under the same set of circumstances would respond almost identically - caused by the collective, oppressive behavior of a large and influential group of
Hungarian Jews? The case of Jewish influence upon American foreign policy regarding the Middle East provides us with another instructive example. It has been well documented elsewhere that the Zionist establishment virtually controls the general direction of American Middle East foreign policy, and Jewish Zionist manipulation of our government for its own ends is quite extensive. In reference to this manipulation
of the American government, Admiral Thomas Moorer has commented: "If the American people understood what a grip those people have got on our government, they would raise up in arms. Our citizens don't have
any idea what goes on." In other words, if the American people knew how certain Zionist Jews are manipulating the American political system to the detriment of the American people, anti-Jewish hostility
would become widespread - a quite normal, mass psychological response to the immoral collective behavior
of a large group of Zionist Jews. In a past issue of The National Jewish Post and Opinion, the Jewish
columnist, Arlene Peck wrote: "I have my own feelings about the Germans and benevolence isn't one of
them. I traveled to Munich briefly a few years ago and couldn't wait to get out of that country . . . I can't help
if I'm not a forgiving person." [54] Quite obviously, she is telling us that she bears hostility toward the Germans. Yet, the public orthodoxy demands that we sympathize with her by saying: "Well considering the oppression
that Jews have suffered at the hands of Germans, it is certainly normal and understandable that Jewish
people are hostile toward the Germans." Just as hostility to Germans may be a normal psychological
response for Jewish people under certain circumstances, so too, Arab, Hungarian, and American antipathy
to Jews can also be a normal psychological response under certain circumstances. The equation of all anti-Jewish hostility with psychological sickness is false. Anti-Jewish feeling, at times, may be a normal psychological reaction - a reaction which could be induced in most humans given the circumstances - to
the collective behavior of large groupings of Jews. (Of course, antipathy to the Jews as a group may be normal, but not morally justifiable. I am not suggesting that people who suffer at the hands of Jewish
oppressors should hate all Jews, merely that, considering the psychic makeup of humankind, hostility to
Jews can be a normal, not a pathological, reaction-though not an ethical reaction - given certain conditions.) Conclusion 1. Jewry is an established social and political power in the United States. In concurrence with
the democratic principles of our society, it is morally and politically correct to offer criticism of Jewry and its politico-cultural power. 2. The potency of the charge of anti-Semitism - its ability to silence critics of the Jews - derives not from the force of reason, but rather, from the force of an irrational, deeply ingrained, cultural convention specifically, the unthinking association of a sense of evil with criticism of the Jews. 3. The charge
of anti-Semitism is a Jewish sword and shield. A Jewish sword, it is an ad hominem attack on any critic of
the Jews. By focusing on the critic's character, it induces people to reject his assertions on Jewish behavior out of hand, without fair examination. A Jewish shield, the charge serves as a psychological defense mechanism whereby Jewish people can insulate themselves from criticism which is too painful to confront consciously. In a political and sociological sense, the charge of anti Semitism is a powerful weapon of the Jewish cultural and political establishment, used in an undemocratic manner to silence its opponents and
to enable that establishment to operate with impunity. Thus, the accusation of anti-Semitism is an essential tool of Jewish power and influence. 4. In our society almost every form of social and political power has its share of critics. The government bureaucracy, the so-called military-industrial complex, the CIA, Big Business, the Catholic Church, Christian fundamentalists, the oil companies, Ronald Reagan, the political Left, the political Right: all have their outspoken critics. Americans are told from their cradles to their graves that their country is the "land of the free," the "home of free speech," the nation in which the citizenry is able to question and challenge all forms of social and political influence. Let one invoke this right of free speech and engage in
criticism of the power and influence of American Jewry, however, the reigning cultural conventions demand that we label him "anti-Semitic." Our democratic philosophy allows for the political and moral legitimacy of criticism of the Jews as a group. If all forms of social and political influence have their tolerated, even respected critics, then let the critic of Jewish influence speak openly. By the canons of our free society, even Jewry should ultimately benefit from an open discussion of the power of Jews in politics, economics, and culture in modern America
. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Notes
[1] Chomsky's introduction to Israel's Sacred Terrorism, by Livia Rokach
(Belmont, Mass.: Association of Arab-American University Graduates, 1980), p. xiii
[2] Encylopaedia Brittanica, 11th ed., s.v. "Taboo," by Northcote W.
Thomas, quoted in The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud, 6 bks., trans.
and ed. Dr. A.A. Brill, The Modern Library (New York Random House, 1938), 5:823.
[3] The Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, 1967 ed., s.v."Democracy," by Stanley I. Benn.
[4] The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution
(Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1967), p.65.
[5] Jews and American Politics (Garden City, New York Doubleday & Co., 1974), p. 7.
[6] See footnote 33. [7] "Jews in Congress show anti-Semitism reduced,"
The National Jewish Post and Opinion, 27 February 1985, p.3.
[8] Wolf Blitzer, "Jewish political activists delighted at election returns,"
Cleveland Jewish News, 14 November 1986, p. A-16.
[9] Wolf Blitzer,"U.S. sends Jewish envoys to help deal with Israel,"
Cleveland Jewish News, 27 June 1986.
[10] Charlotte Sailkowski,"America's Israel Aid Budget Grows,"
Christian Science Monitor, 30 November 1983, p. 5.
[11] Quoted in Paul Findley,
They Dare to Speak Out: People and Institutions Confront Israel's Lobby
(Westport, Conn.: Lawrence Hill & Co.,1985), p. 47.
[12] Arthur Liebman, Jews and The Left
(New York John Wiley and Sons, 1979), p. 1.
[13] Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter, Roots of Radicalism:
Jews, Christians, and the New Left (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 98.
[14] Ibid., p. 80.
[15] Review of Roots of Radicalism, in The American Spectator, vol 16, no. 5
(May 1983), p. 26.
[16] Rothman and Lichter, Roots of Radicalism, p. 105.
[17] See Findley,
They Dare To Speak Out; Cheryl Rubenberg,"The
Middle East Lobbies," The Link, vol. 17, no. 1 January-March 1984);
Earl D. Huff,"A Study of a Successful Interest Group:The American Zionist Movement,"
Western Political Science Quarterly, vol. 25 (March 1972), pp. 109-124; Lee O'Brien,
American Jewish Organizations and Israel (Washington, D.C.: Institute For Palestine Studies, 1986);
Alfred M. Lilienthal, The Zionist Connection II: What Price Peace? (New Brunswick, N.J.:
North American,1982): Morrell Heald and Lawrence S.Kaplan, Culture and Diplomacy (New York, 1978).
[18] Review of The American House of Saud:
The Secret Petrodollar Connection, by Steven Emerson, 11 July 1985, p. 17.
[19] Richard Siegel and
Carl Rheins, comps. and eds., The Jewish
Almanac (New York Bantam, 1980), p. 58. [20] Wilmot Robertson,
Chapter 15 of The Dispossessed Majority, "The Jews,"
(Cape Canaveral, Florida Howard Allen, 1981), pp. 152-201.
[21] See the short discussion of Fortune magazine's 1936
report on Jews in America in James J. Martin's,
The Man Who Invented "Genocide": The Public Career and
Consequences of Raphael Lemkin
(Torrance, California Institute for Historical Review, 1984), p. 54.
[22] Edwin Black, "Owned by Jews,
evangelical radio spreads Gospel" Cleveland Jewish News, December 1985, p. 13.
[23] Alfred M. Lilienthal The Zionist
Connection II, p. 219. [24] Richard Siegel and Carl Rheins, The Jewish Almanac, p. g9.
[25] Stephen D. Isaacs, Jews and
American Politics, p. 46. [26] Ibid., p. 46.
[27] E. J. Epstein, News From Nowhere (New York: Random House, 1973), pp.
222-23, cited by Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter, Roots of Radicalism, p. 97.
[28] Muriel Cantor, The Hollywood TV Producer (New York Basic Books, 1971),
cited by Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter, Roots of Radicalism, p. 97.
[29]
Particia Erens, The Jew in American Cinema (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984)
, p. 28. [30] James Yaffe. The American Jews (New York Random House, 1968), p. 225.
[31] Cynthia Dettelback, "'Coming of Age' 54th GA Theme,"
Cleveland Jewish News, 22 November 1985, p. A-6.
[32] Ibid., p. A-6.
[33] Hyman Bookbinder, of the American Jewish Committee, once made a claim
to this effect, as quoted in Stephen D. Isaacs, Jews and American Politics, p. 246.
Among other things, he said " . . . But as for Jewish political power - large P partisan
Power - there is relatively little organized Jewish political Power." Based upon the
evidence presented in this essay, I believe that one is justified in rejecting this claim
as false. Jews as a group do have political power - and a lot of it
[34] The view expounded here differs significantly from that of Dr. Robert A. Hall
Jr. ("The Persecution of P. G. Wodehouse," The Journal of Historical Review vol 7,
no. 3, Fall 1986, p. 350). Speaking of P.G. Wodehouse, he wrote:"He was very much aware that there are too many
individual differences among members of any group to justify judging it en masse." By logical extension, then, there
are too many individual differences among members of any group to justify criticizing it en masse. Although there are
many individual differences among members of any cultural grouping, this still does not rule out the persistence of
general patterns of behavior and thought among individuals of the group, nor characteristics common to the group
as a whole. The Jewish historian, Lucy S. Dawidowicz, has made this clear in The War against the Jews: 1933-1945
(New York Bantam, published by arrangement with Holt, Rhinehart and Winston, 1975), p. 464. Jewish behavior during the crises of WW II, she noted, was in large part determined by " . . . the dominant values of Jewish tradition
and culture and a modal national character and personality. National character reflects the enduring formative
influences of a people's culture and history. Through the processes of socialization during which the values of the
group and patterns of behavior common to all its members are transmitted by family and peers, each individual's
uniqueness is modified and seasoned by national characteristics."
[35] American Heritage Dictionary, (Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston. 1982, 1985), s.v. "anti- Semite."
[36] Review of Why the Jews?
The Reason for Anti-Semitism, by Dennis Prager and Joseph Telushkin, The Journal of Historical Review, vol 5,
nos. 2, 3, 4, (Winter 1984), pp. 376- 77. [37] Yitzhak Santis, "Supporters of Demjanjuk seeking to discredit OSI," Cleveland Jewish News, 3 January 1986, p. 10. [38] For a good discussion on how some Americans are being
railroaded, see Peter Carr, "Justice Department, Media, KGB Pump U.S. 'Nazimania'," The Spotlight, 2 March
1987, p. 31.
[39] David Bird, State U. Professor in a Dispute on Zionism Stand Is Denied Tenure,"
New York Times, 18 August 1985.
[40]
Lee O'Brien, American Jewish Organizations and Israel, p. 219.
[41] Dube was made to leave the university. See the source in
footnote 39.
[42] Alex C. Michalos, Improving Your Reasoning (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Halt 1970), p. 78.
[43]
United Nations, General Assembly, 2400th Plenary Meeting, 10 November 1975,
Resolution 3379 (XXX) Determining That Zionism is a Form of Racism; Sami Hadawi,
"Who Are the Palestinians?," The Journal of Historical Review, vol. 4, no. 1, (Spring 1983),
pp. 43-59; Abdeen Jabara, Zionism and Racism, Arab World Issues, Occasional Papers:
No. 3 (Detroit Associaffon of Arab-American Graduates, 1976); Louise Cainkar, ed., Separate
and Unequal: The Dynamics of South African and Israeli Rule (Chicago: Palestine Human Rights
Campaign, 1985); Regina Sharif, Non-Jewish Zionism: Its Roots in Western History
(London Zed Press, 1983); David Hirst, The Gun and the Olive Branch: The Roots of Violence in
the Middle East (Faber and Faber, 1977; London Futura Publications, a division of MacDonald & Co.,
1978); for a good discussion of the close ideological affinity between National Socialist and Zionist
racialism, see Francis R. Nicosia, The Third Reich and the Palestine Question (Austin University
of Texas Press, 1985), pp. 16-21.
[44] Douglas Reed, The Controversy of Zion (Torrance, California Noontide Press, 1985), p. 174;
Vladimir Begun, "The Accusation of Anti-Semitism," Sputnik, September 1980, p. 31; Dewey M. Beagle,
Prophecy and Prediction (Ann Arbor, Michigan: Pryor Pettengill, 1978), pp. 201-02; Fred Reed,"
Intimidating the Press in Israel", Washington Post, 28 June 1982; Charles M. Fischbein,"
Money Talks to Media, and Media Controls Information," The Spotlight, 22 September 1986, p. 19;
see the letter of Dr. Alfred M. LilienthaL reprinted in Richard V. London, Author Challenges GOP Lawmaker
to Change Attitude on 'USS Liberty," The Spotlight, 2 February1987, p. 5; finally see the statements of former Undersecretary of State George W. Ball, the journalist Harold Piety, and Jewish intellectual Roberta Strauss
Feuerlicht in Paul Findley, They Dare to Speak Out, pp. 127, 268, 296.
[45] Introduction to Logic, 5th ed. (New York Macmillan, 1978), p. 88.
[46] Joseph Julian, Social Problems, 3rd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall 1980), p. 48.
[47] "Congress and the Pro-Israel Lobby (Interview)," Journal of Palestine Studies,
vol. xv, no. 1 (Autumn1985), p. 107.
[48] Examples and evidence in support of this statement are so numerous, it would be impractical to list it all here. However, the following should suffice to illustrate the point. In reference to the legitimate criticism which Liberty
Lobby (a populist institution based in Washington) has consistently advanced throughout the years, a very
important ADL official Arnold Forster, has stated the following: "
There is more than ample scientific basis . . . for unequivocally stating that anti-Semitism is a disease, and
that its disseminators are just as dangerous [as] any Typhoid Mary." See Liberty Lobby, Conspiracy Against
Freedom: A Documentation of One Campaign of the Anti-Defamation League Against Freedom of Speech
and Thought in America, ed. Willis A. Carto (Washington, D.C.: Liberty Lobby, 1986), p.106. Notice how Zionist
ideologues deal with revisionist critiques of the "Holocaust." Robert Faurisson has pointed out how Elie Wiesel
uses the following terms - all of which conjure up the idea of mental illness - in reference to the revisionists:
"indecent pamphleteers with morally deranged minds;""Those hateful and vicious persons;" "it is to take leave of one's senses;" "this entire affair arises from lunacy." See "Revisionism on Trial: Developments in France,
1979-1983," The Joumal of Historical Review, vol. 6, no. 2 (Summer 1985), p. 177. L. A.Rollins has uncovered
other examples of the same. See "The Holocaust as Sacred Cow," The Journal of Historical Review, vol 4, no. 1 (Spring 1983), pp.37-38.
[49] Palestine Human Rights Campaign (U.S.A.) and Committee Confronting the Iron Fist Jerusalem), Special
Report (Chicago Palestine Human Rights Campaign, 1986); Palestine Human Rights Campaign and American
-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, Report on Israeli Human Rights Practices in the Occupied Territories for
1985 (Chicago: Palestine Human Rights Campaign, n.d.); Washington, D.C.: American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, n.d.); Jan Abu Shakrah, "The Making of a Non-Person," The Link, vol 19, no.2, (May- June 1986); Raja Shehadeh, Occupier's Law: Israel and the West Bank (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1985);
Israel Shahak,"A Summary of the System of Legal Apartheid Which Is in Force in the Occupied Territories,"
Palestine Human Rights Newsletter vol. VI, no. 4,July-August 1986), p.9; "Crockett Assails Repression of Palestinians," Palestine Perspectives, October 1985, p.12.
[50]
"Crockett Assails Repression of Palestinians," Palestine Perspectives, October 1985, p.12. [51] Review of
Occupiers Law:Israel and the West Bank, by Raja Shehadeh, in "The Making of a Non-Person," The Link, vol
19, no. 2, (May-June), p.14. .[52] David Irving,"On Contemporary History and Historiography," The Journal of
Historical Review, vol 5, no 2, 3, 4, (Winter1984), pp. 265-266; David Irving, Uprising! (London Hodder and
Stoughton, 1981); RV. Burks, The Dynamics of Communism in Eastern Europe (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1961), p.163. [53] David Irving, "On Contemporary History and Historiography," p. 266; David Irving, Uprising!, pp. 47-50. [54] Arlene Gets Serious on Mr. Reagan," The National Jewish Post and Opinion, 1 May 1985, p.9.
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Source: Reprinted from The Journal of Historical Review, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 185-203.
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