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Welcome to my Note Book
Review this page before you go to any of the links or images
 on  it try this, drop down to the last object on this page and worker way back up to the top that way you can see how
 they all relate sort of ...
We don't need no stinking indexes "Stupid White Men" by: Michael Moore

For your digital files...I for one do not read this often enough.

Regards, Nique

(See Note 1)
We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union,
establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common
defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to
ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for
the United States of America.
Article. I.
Section 1.
All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the
United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.
Section. 2.
Clause 1: The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen
every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in
each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most
numerous Branch of the State Legislature.
Clause 2: No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to
the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in
which he shall be chosen.
Clause 3: Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the
several States which may be included within this Union, according to their
respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number
of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and
excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. (See Note 2)
The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first
Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent
Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of
Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each
State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration
shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three,
Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one,
Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight,
Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South
Carolina five, and Georgia three.
Clause 4: When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the
Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such
Clause 5: The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other
Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.
Section. 3.
Clause 1: The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators
from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, (See Note 3) for six
Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
Clause 2: Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the
first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three
Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at
the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of
the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year,
so that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen
by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any
State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next
Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. (See Note
Clause 3: No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the
Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and
who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he
shall be chosen.
Clause 4: The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the
Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.
Clause 5: The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President
pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise
the Office of President of the United States.
Clause 6: The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When
sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the
President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside:
And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of
the Members present.
Clause 7: Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to
removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of
honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted
shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and
Punishment, according to Law.
Section. 4.
Clause 1: The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature
thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such
Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.
Clause 2: The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such
Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, (See Note 5) unless they
shall by Law appoint a different Day.
Section. 5.
Clause 1: Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and
Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a
Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and
may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such
Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.
Clause 2: Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its
Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds,
expel a Member.
Clause 3: Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time
to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment
require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any
question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on
the Journal.
Clause 4: Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the
Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other
Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
Section. 6.
Clause 1: The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for
their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of
the United States. (See Note 6) They shall in all Cases, except Treason,
Felony and Breach of the Peace, beprivileged from Arrest during their
Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and
returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they
shall not be questioned in any other Place.
Clause 2: No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he
was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the
United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof
shall have been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any Office
under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his
Continuance in Office.
Section. 7.
Clause 1: All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of
Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on
other Bills.
Clause 2: Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives
and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President
of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall
return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have
originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and
proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that
House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the
Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered,
and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in
all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and
Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be
entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be
returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall
have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he
had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return,
in which Case it shall not be a Law.
Clause 3: Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question
of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States;
and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being
disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House
of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the
Case of a Bill.
Section. 8.
Clause 1: The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties,
Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and
general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises
shall be uniform throughout the United States;
Clause 2: To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;
Clause 3: To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several
States, and with the Indian Tribes;
Clause 4: To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws
on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;
Clause 5: To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin,
and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;
Clause 6: To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and
current Coin of the United States;
Clause 7: To establish Post Offices and post Roads;
Clause 8: To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing
for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their
respective Writings and Discoveries;
Clause 9: To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
Clause 10: To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high
Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;
Clause 11: To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make
Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
Clause 12: To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to
that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;
Clause 13: To provide and maintain a Navy;
Clause 14: To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and
naval Forces;
Clause 15: To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of
the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;
Clause 16: To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia,
and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the
United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the
Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the
discipline prescribed by Congress;
Clause 17: To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over
such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, byCession of
particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the
Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all
Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the
Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards,
and other needful Buildings;--And
Clause 18: To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying
into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this
Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or
Officer thereof.
Section. 9.
Clause 1: The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States
now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax
or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for
each Person.
Clause 2: The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require
Clause 3: No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.
Clause 4: No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in
Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
(See Note 7)
Clause 5: No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.
Clause 6: No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or
Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels
bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in
Clause 7: No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of
Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the
Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time
to time.
Clause 8: No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no
Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the
Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title,
of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.
Section. 10.
Clause 1: No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation;
grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make
any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any
Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of
Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
Clause 2: No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any
Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely
necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all
Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for
the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be
subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress.
Clause 3: No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of
Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any
Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage
in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not
admit of delay.
Article. II.
Section. 1.
Clause 1: The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United
States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years,
and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected,
as follows
Clause 2: Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature
thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of
Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the
Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of
Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.
Clause 3: The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by
Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of
the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the
Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they
shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of
the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of
Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be
counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the
President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors
appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an
equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately
chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority,
then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner
chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken
by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for
this Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the
States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In
every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the
greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if
there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse
from them by Ballot the Vice President. (See Note 8)
Clause 4: The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and
the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same
throughout the United States.
Clause 5: No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the
United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be
eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to
that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and
been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.
Clause 6: In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his
Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the
said Office, (See Note 9) the Same shall devolve on the VicePresident, and
the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation
or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what
Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly,
until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
Clause 7: The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a
Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the
Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within
that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.
Clause 8: Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the
following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will
faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to
the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the
United States."
Section. 2.
Clause 1: The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of
the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called
into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in
writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon
any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall
have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United
States, except in Cases of Impeachment.
Clause 2: He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the
Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present
concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the
Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls,
Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States,
whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be
established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such
inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the
Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.
Clause 3: The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may
happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall
expire at the End of their next Session.
Section. 3.
He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of
the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall
judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene
both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them,
with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as
he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public
Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and
shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.
Section. 4.
The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States,
shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason,
Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
Article. III.
Section. 1.
The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme
Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time
ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts,
shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times,
receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished
during their Continuance in Office.
Section. 2.
Clause 1: The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity,
arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties
made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to all Cases affecting
Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty
and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the United States
shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two or more States;--between a
State and Citizens of another State; (See Note 10)--between Citizens of
different States, --between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under
Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof,
and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.
Clause 2: In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and
Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall
have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the
supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact,
with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.
Clause 3: The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be
by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes
shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the
Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have
Section. 3.
Clause 1: Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying
War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and
Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of
two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.
Clause 2: The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of
Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or
Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.
Article. IV.
Section. 1.
Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts,
Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may
by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and
Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.
Section. 2.
Clause 1: The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and
Immunities of Citizens in the several States.
Clause 2: A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other
Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on
Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be
delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.
Clause 3: No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or
Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be
delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be
due. (See Note 11)
Section. 3.
Clause 1: New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no
new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other
State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or
Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States
concerned as well as of the Congress.
Clause 2: The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful
Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging
to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed
as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.
Section. 4.
The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican
Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on
Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature
cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.
Article. V.
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary,
shall propose Amendments <http://www.house.gov/Constitution/Amend.html> to
this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds
of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments,
which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part
of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of
the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one
or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided
that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight
hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in
the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its
Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.
Article. VI.
Clause 1: All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the
Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States
under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.
Clause 2: This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall
be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made,
under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the
Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the
Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.
Clause 3: The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members
of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers,
both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath
or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall
ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the
United States.
Article. VII.
The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for
the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the
done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the
Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independence of the United States of
America the Twelfth In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our
GO WASHINGTON--Presidt. and deputy from Virginia
[Signed also by the deputies of twelve States.]
Geo: Read
Gunning Bedford jun
John Dickinson
Richard Bassett
Jaco: Broom
James MCHenry
Dan of ST ThoS. Jenifer
DanL Carroll.
John Blair--
James Madison Jr.
North Carolina
WM Blount
RichD. Dobbs Spaight.
Hu Williamson
South Carolina
J. Rutledge
Charles 1ACotesworth Pinckney
Charles Pinckney
Pierce Butler.
William Few
Abr Baldwin
New Hampshire
John Langdon
Nicholas Gilman
Nathaniel Gorham
Rufus King
WM. SamL. Johnson
Roger Sherman
New York
Alexander Hamilton
New Jersey
Wil: Livingston
David Brearley.
WM. Paterson.
Jona: Dayton
B Franklin
Thomas Mifflin
RobT Morris
Geo. Clymer
ThoS. FitzSimons
Jared Ingersoll
James Wilson.
Gouv Morris
Attest William Jackson Secretary
Note 1: This text of the Constitution follows the engrossed copy signed by
Gen. Washington and the deputies from 12 States. The small superior figures
preceding the paragraphs designate Clauses, and were not in the original and
have no reference to footnotes.
The Constitution was adopted by a convention of the States on September 17,
1787, and was subsequently ratified by the several States, on the following
dates: Delaware, December 7, 1787; Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787; New
Jersey, December 18, 1787; Georgia, January 2, 1788; Connecticut, January 9,
1788; Massachusetts, February 6, 1788; Maryland, April 28, 1788; South
Carolina, May 23, 1788; New Hampshire, June 21, 1788.
Ratification was completed on June 21, 1788.
The Constitution was subsequently ratified by Virginia, June 25, 1788; New
York, July 26, 1788; North Carolina, November 21, 1789; Rhode Island, May
29, 1790; and Vermont, January 10, 1791.
In May 1785, a committee of Congress made a report recommending an
alteration in the Articles of Confederation, but no action was taken on it,
and it was left to the State Legislatures to proceed in the matter. In
January 1786, the Legislature of Virginia passed a resolution providing for
the appointment of five commissioners, who, or any three of them, should
meet such commissioners as might be appointed in the other States of the
Union, at a time and place to be agreed upon, to take into consideration the
trade of the United States; to consider how far a uniform system in their
commercial regulations may be necessary to their common interest and their
permanent harmony; and to report to the several States such an act, relative
to this great object, as, when ratified by them, will enable the United
States in Congress effectually to provide for the same. The Virginia
commissioners, after some correspondence, fixed the first Monday in
September as the time, and the city of Annapolis as the place for the
meeting, but only four other States were represented, viz: Delaware, New
York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; the commissioners appointed by
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, North Carolina, and Rhode Island failed to
attend. Under the circumstances of so partial a representation, the
commissioners present agreed upon a report, (drawn by Mr. Hamilton, of New
York,) expressing their unanimous conviction that it might essentially tend
to advance the interests of the Union if the States by which they were
respectively delegated would concur, and use their endeavors to procure the
concurrence of the other States, in the appointment of commissioners to meet
at Philadelphia on the Second Monday of May following, to take into
consideration the situation of the United States; to devise such further
provisions as should appear to them necessary to render the Constitution of
the Federal Government adequate to the exigencies of the Union; and to
report such an act for that purpose to the United States in Congress
assembled as, when agreed to by them and afterwards confirmed by the
Legislatures of every State, would effectually provide for the same.
Congress, on the 21st of February, 1787, adopted a resolution in favor of a
convention, and the Legislatures of those States which had not already done
so (with the exception of Rhode Island) promptly appointed delegates. On the
25th of May, seven States having convened, George Washington, of Virginia,
was unanimously elected President, and the consideration of the proposed
constitution was commenced. On the 17th of September, 1787, the Constitution
as engrossed and agreed upon was signed by all the members present, except
Mr. Gerry of Massachusetts, and Messrs. Mason and Randolph, of Virginia. The
president of the convention transmitted it to Congress, with a resolution
stating how the proposed Federal Government should be put in operation, and
an explanatory letter. Congress, on the 28th of September, 1787, directed
the Constitution so framed, with the resolutions and letter concerning the
same, to "be transmitted to the several Legislatures in order to be
submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each State by the people
thereof, in conformity to the resolves of the convention."
On the 4th of March, 1789, the day which had been fixed for commencing the
operations of Government under the new Constitution, it had been ratified by
the conventions chosen in each State to consider it, as follows: Delaware,
December 7, 1787; Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787; New Jersey, December 18,
1787; Georgia, January 2, 1788; Connecticut, January 9, 1788; Massachusetts,
February 6, 1788; Maryland, April 28, 1788; South Carolina, May 23, 1788;
New Hampshire, June 21, 1788; Virginia, June 25, 1788; and New York, July
26, 1788.
The President informed Congress, on the 28th of January, 1790, that North
Carolina had ratified the Constitution November 21, 1789; and he informed
Congress on the 1st of June, 1790, that Rhode Island had ratified the
Constitution May 29, 1790. Vermont, in convention, ratified the Constitution
January 10, 1791, and was, by an act of Congress approved February 18, 1791,
"received and admitted into this Union as a new and entire member of the
United States."
Note 2: The part of this Clause relating to the mode of apportionment of
representatives among the several States has been affected by Section 2 of
amendment XIV, and as to taxes on incomes without apportionment by amendment
Note 3: This Clause has been affected by Clause 1 of amendment XVII.
Note 4: This Clause has been affected by Clause 2 of amendment XVIII.
Note 5: This Clause has been affected by amendment XX.
Note 6: This Clause has been affected by amendment XXVII.
Note 7: This Clause has been affected by amendment XVI.
Note 8: This Clause has been superseded by amendment XII.
Note 9: This Clause has been affected by amendment XXV.
Note 10: This Clause has been affected by amendment XI.
Note 11: This Clause has been affected by amendment XIII.
Note 12: The first ten amendments to the Constitution of the United States
(and two others, one of which failed of ratification and the other which
later became the 27th amendment) were proposed to the legislatures of the
several States by the First Congress on September 25, 1789. The first ten
amendments were ratified by the following States, and the notifications of
ratification by the Governors thereof were successively communicated by the
President to Congress: New Jersey, November 20, 1789; Maryland, December 19,
1789; North Carolina, December 22, 1789; South Carolina, January 19, 1790;
New Hampshire, January 25, 1790; Delaware, January 28, 1790; New York,
February 24, 1790; Pennsylvania, March 10, 1790; Rhode Island, June 7, 1790;
Vermont, November 3, 1791; and Virginia, December 15, 1791.
Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.
The amendments were subsequently ratified by the legislatures of
Massachusetts, March 2, 1939; Georgia, March 18, 1939; and Connecticut,
April 19, 1939.
Note 13: Only the 13th, 14th, 15th, and 16th articles of amendment had
numbers assigned to them at the time of ratification.
Note 14: This sentence has been superseded by section 3 of amendment XX.
Note 15: See amendment XIX and section 1 of amendment XXVI.
Note 16: Repealed by section 1 of amendment XXI.

We don't need no stinking indexes

   The article below, taken from the  , is excepted from Michael Moore's new best selling book "Stupid White Men" (currently #1 on NY
 Times list),

 "Stupid White Men"
by: Michael Moore
The Guardian, Saturday March 30, 2002

I don't know what it is, but every time I see a white guy walking
towards me, I tense up. My heart starts racing, and I immediately
begin to look for  an escape route and a means to defend myself.
I kick myself for even being  in this part of town after dark. Didn't Inotice the suspicious gangs of white people lurking on every street corner, drinking Starbucks and wearing  their gang colors of Gap turquoise or J Crew mauve? What an idiot!

Now the  white person is coming closer, closer  and then  whew!
He walks by without  harming me, and I breathe a sigh of relief.
 White people scare the crap out of me.
This may be hard for you to understand considering that I
 am white  but then again, my color gives  me a certain insight.
For instance, I find myself pretty scary a lot of the time, so I know
what I'm talking about. You can take my word for it: if you  find your
self suddenly surrounded by white people, you better watch
out.  Anything can happen. As white people, we've been lulled
 into thinking  it's  safe to be around other white people.

We've been taught since birth that it's the people of that other
color we need to fear. They're the ones who'll slit your throat!

Yet as I look back on my life, a strange but unmistakable pattern seems to emerge. Every person who has ever harmed me in my lifetime  the boss who  fired me, the teacher who flunked me, the principal who punished me, the kid who hit me in the eye with a rock, the executive who didn't renew TV Nation, the guy who was stalking me for three years, the accountant who double paid my taxes, the drunk who smashed into me, the burglar who stole my stereo, the contractor who overcharged me, the girlfriend who left me, the next girlfriend who left even sooner, the person in the office who stole checks  from my checkbook and wrote them out to himself for a total of $16,000 every one of these individuals has
been a white person.

Coincidence?  I think  not.

I have never been attacked by a black person, never been evicted
 by a black person, never had my security deposit ripped off by a
black landlord, never had a black landlord, never had a meeting
at a Hollywood studio with a black executive in charge, never had a
black person deny my child the college of her choice, never been puked on by a black teenager at a Mötley  Crüe concert, never
been pulled over by a black cop, never been sold a lemon by a
black car salesman, never seen a black car salesman, never had
 a black person deny me a bank loan, and I've never heard a black
person say, "We're going to eliminate 10,000 jobs here have a nice day!"

I don't think that I'm the only white guy who can make these claims.
Every mean word, every cruel act, every bit of pain and suffering in
 my life has had a Caucasian face attached to it.

So, um, why is it exactly that I should be afraid of black people?

I look around at the world I live in  and, I hate to tell tales out of
school, but it's not the African Americans who have made this
planet such a pitiful, scary place. Recently, a headline on the
front of the Science section of the New York Times asked Who
 Built The H Bomb? The article went on to discuss a dispute
between the men who claim credit for making the first bomb.
Frankly, I could have cared less  because I already know the
only pertinent answer: "It was a white guy!" No black guy ever
 built or used a bomb designed to wipe out hordes of innocent
people, whether in Oklahoma City, Columbine or Hiroshima.
No, friends, it's always the white guy. Let's go to the tote

* Who gave us the black plague? A white guy.

* Who invented PBC, PVC, PBB, and a host of chemicals that are killing us? White guys.

* Who has started every war America has been in? White men.

* Who invented the punch card ballot? A white man.

* Whose idea was it to pollute the world with the internal combustion engine? Whitey, that's who.

* The Holocaust? That guy really gave white people a bad name.

* The genocide of Native Americans? White man.
* Slavery?  Whitey!

* US companies laid off more than 700,000 people in 2001. Who ordered the layoffs? White CEOs. That's who.

You name the problem, the disease, the human suffering, or the
 abject misery  visited upon millions,and I'll bet you 10 bucks I can
 put a white face on it faster than you can name the members of

And yet, when I turn on the news each night, what do I see again
 and again?  Black men alleged to be killing, raping, mugging,
 stabbing, gangbanging, looting, rioting, selling drugs, pimping,
 ho-ing, having too many babies, fatherless, motherless, Godless, penniless. "The suspect is described as a black male... the suspect
is described as a black male..... " No matter what city I'm in, the news
 is always the same, the suspect always the same unidentified black male.

I'm in Atlanta tonight, and I swear the police sketch of the black
male suspect on TV looks just like the black male suspect I saw
 on the news last night in Denver and the night before in LA. In
every sketch he's frowning, he's menacing  and he's wearing the
 same knit cap! Is it possible that  it's the same black guy committing every crime in America?

I believe we've become so used to this image of the black man as
predator that we are forever ruined by this brainwashing. In my first film, "Roger & Me", a white woman on social security clubs a rabbit
 to death so that she can sell him as "meat" instead of as a pet. I
wish I had a nickel for every time in the past 10 years that someone has come up to me and told me how "horrified" they were when they saw that "poor little cute bunny" bonked on the head. The scene,
they say, made them physically sick.

The Motion Picture Association of America gave Roger & Me an
R [18] rating in response to that rabbit killing. Teachers write to
me and say they have to edit that part out of the film, if they want to show it to their students.

But less than two minutes after the bunny lady does her deed, I included footage of a scene in which police in Flint, Michigan, shot a black man who was wearing a Superman cape and holding a plastic toy gun. Not once , not ever ,has anyone said to me, "I can't believe you showed a black man being shot in your movie!
 How horrible! How disgusting! I couldn't sleep for weeks."
 After all, he was just a black man, not a cute, cuddly bunny.

The ratings board saw absolutely nothing wrong with that scene.
Why? Because it's normal, natural.We've become so accustomed
 to seeing black men killed  in the movies and on the evening news that we now accept it as standard operating procedure. No big deal!
That's what blacks do kill and die. Ho-hum. Pass the butter.

It's odd that, despite the fact that most crimes are committed by
whites, black faces are usuallyattached to what we think of as
 "crime". Ask any white person who they fear might break into their
home or harm them on the street and, if they're honest, they'll admit that the person they have in mind doesn't look much like them. The imaginary criminal in their heads looks like Mookie or Hakim or Kareem, not little freckle faced Jimmy.

No matter how many times their fellow whites make it clear that the white man is the one to fear, it simply fails to register. Every time you turn on the TV to news of another school shooting, it's always a white kid who's conducting the massacre. Every time they catch a serial killer, it's a crazy white guy. Every time a terrorist blows up a federal building, or a madman gets 400 people to drink Kool-Aid, or a Beach Boys songwriter casts  a spell causing half a dozen nymphets to murder "all the piggies"
 in  the Hollywood Hills, you know it's a member of the white race up to his old tricks.

So why don't we run like hell when we see whitey coming toward us?

Why don't we ever greet the Caucasian job applicant with, "Gee,
 uh, I'm sorry,  there aren't any positions available right now"?

Why aren't we worried sick about our daughters marrying white guys?

And why isn't Congress trying to ban the scary and offensive
lyrics of Johnny Cash ("I shot a man in Reno/just to watch him die"), the Dixie Chicks ("Earl had to die"), or Bruce Springsteen
 ("I killed everything in my path/I can't say that I'm sorry for the things
that we done").

Why the focus on rap lyrics? Why doesn't the media print lyrics
 such as the following, and tell the truth? "I sold bottles of sorrow, then chose poems and novels" (Wu-Tang Clan); "People use yo'
brain to gain" (Ice Cube); "A poor single mother on welfare...
tell me how ya did it" (Tupac Shakur); "I'm trying to change my life,
see I don't wanna die a sinner" (Master P).

African- Americans have been on the lowest rung of the economic ladder since the day they were dragged here in chains.
Every other immigrant group has been able to advance from
the bottom to the higher levels of our society.

Even Native Americans, who are among the poorest of the poor, have fewer children living in poverty than African-Americans.

You probably thought things had got better for blacks in
 this country.

After all, considering the advances we've made eliminating racism
 in our society, one would think our black citizens might have seen
 their standard of living rise.

 A survey published in the Washington Post in July 2001 showed that  40% - 60% of white people thought the average black person had it as good or better than the average white person.

Think again.
 According to a study conducted by the economists Richard Vedder, Lowell Gallaway and David C Clingaman, the
average income for a  black American is 61% less per
year than the average white income.

That is the same percentage difference as
it wasin 1880.Not a damned thing has changed in more than 120 years.

Want more proof? Consider the following:

* Black heart attack patients are far less likely than whites to undergo cardiac catheterisation, regardless of the race of
their doctors.

* Whites are five times more likely than blacks
 to receive emergency clot-busting treatment after suffering
 a stroke.

* Black women are four times more likely than white women to die while giving birth.

* Black levels of unemployment have been roughly twice those of whites since 1954.

So how have we white people been able to get away with this? Caucasian ingenuity! You see, we used to be real dumb. Like idiots, we wore our racism on our sleeve. We did really obvious things,like putting up signs on rest room doors that said WHITES ONLY.
 We made black people sit at the back of the bus. We prevented
them from attending our schools or living in our neighbourhoods.

They got the crappiest jobs (those advertised for NEGROES ONLY), and we made it clear that, if you weren't white, you were going to be paid a lower wage.

Well, this overt, over the top segregation got us into a heap of
trouble. A bunch of uppity lawyers went to court. They pointed out that the 14th Amendment doesn't allow for anyone to be treated
differently because of their race.
 Eventually, after a long procession of court losses, demonstrations and riots, we got the message: if you're going to be a successful racist, better find a way to do it with a smile on your face.

We even got magnanimous enough to say, "Sure, you can live here in our neighbourhood; your kids can go to our kids' school. Why the hell not? We were just leaving, anyway." We smiled, gave black America a pat on the back and then ran like the devil
 to the suburbs.

At work, we whites still get the plum jobs, double the pay, and
 a seat in the front of the bus to happiness and success.

We've rigged the system from birth, guaranteeing
that black people will go to the worst schools, thus
preventing them from admission to the best colleges, and paving their way to a fulfilling life making our caffe lattes, servicing our BMWs, and picking up our trash.

Oh, sure, a few slip by but they pay an extra tariff for the privilege: the black doctor driving his BMW gets pulled over continually by the cops; the black Broadway actress can't get a cab after the standing ovation; the black broker is the first to be laid off because of "seniority".

We whites really deserve some kind of genius award for this.

 We talk the talk of inclusion, we celebrate the birthday of
Dr King, we frown upon racist jokes. We never fail to drop a
mention of"my friend  he's black..." We make sure we put our lone black employee up at the front reception desk so we can say, "See we don't discriminate. We hire black people."

Yes, we are a very crafty, cagey race and damn if we haven't got awaywith  it!

I wonder how long we will have to live with the legacy of slavery.
That's right. I brought it up.SLAVERY. You can almost hear the groans of white America whenever you bring up the fact that
we still suffer from the impact of the slave system.
Well, I'm sorry,but the roots of most of our social ills can be traced straight back to this sick chapter of our history.

African-Americans never got a chance to have the same fair start that the rest of us got.
Their families were wilfully destroyed, their language and
 culture and religion stripped from them. Their poverty was institutionalised so that our cotton could get picked, our wars could be fought, our convenience stores could remain open all

The America we've come to know would never have come to pass if not for the millions of slaves who built it and created
 its booming economy and for the millions of their descendants who do the same dirty work for whites today.

It's not as if we're talking ancient Rome here. My grandfather
was born just three years after the Civil War. That's right, my grandfather. My great uncle was born before the Civil War.
 And I'm only in my 40s. Sure, people in my family seem to marry late, but the truth remains:  I'm just two generations  from slave times.

 That, my friends, is not a "long time ago". In the vast breadth of human history, it was only yesterday.

Until we realize that, and accept that we do have a responsibility to correct an immoral act that still has repercussions today, we will never remove the single greatest stain on the soul of our country.

(c) Michael Moore, 2002.

-Original Message-----
From: worker-brc-news@lists.tao.ca
Sent: Jueves, 11 de Octubre de 2001 04:56
To: brc-news@lists.tao.ca
Subject: [BRC-NEWS] Even In The Ruins, Race Matters


The Black World Today

September 27, 2001
Even In The Ruins, Race Matters By
Playthell Benjamin

One morning a few days after the terrorist attack on the
 World Trade Center a young Afro-American woman called in to
 C-Span and asked whether all the talk about the new  unity of purpose being forged in the fires of adversity would survive after the state of emergency had passed, "or will racism still be here?" Judging by the
 phone calls that  ensued many listeners, this writer included, thought it
a  naive question.

Of course racism will be with us long after this incident recedes  into
memory, most callers argued. And after listening to James' story,
 (he asked that his last name not be used) one of the few African
American men working on the site, that naivete seems magnified.

"There is racism all over down in the disaster area," he
says "and it's blatant too!"

Perhaps, along with a history of racist exclusion in the uniform services
 and the building trades, that's why we observe a sea of white faces every time we are given a tour of the site on TV. "See, part of the problem is that there are a lot of out of town guys that they have put in authoritative positions, and they don't know how to deal with diverse races because many of them come from all white towns around the country where they  have never had to deal with black and Hispanic people."

According to James the problem for black construction workers, who are a small percentage of the rescue force,begins when they approach the site. "There are thousands of workers down there, and to enter the site you have to go through armed checkpoints," he says," one guy will ask you for your
ID and another guy standing two feet from him watching the whole procedure will stop you and put you through it again." And he was quick to point that this wasthe attitude of the armed white men securing ground zero

whether they were military or civilian cops.

"If you are my color," James says, pointing to his rich ebony colored skin, "you can see the pure racism on their faces." However light brown skin Hispanics and Afro-Americans are encountering even bigger problems.
 "But if you are just dark enough to be an Arab, then you really got a problem. My cousin is light skin and he gets a lot of hassles.

"When we walk through check points it's usually three of us and we all
 have the same union issue and state ID's, but they let us pass and pull
 him aside. He and I have the same last name but that doesn't matter; sometimes they detain him for ten minutes or more just checking out
his ID. But while they be checking us out to the max, always calling in
supervisors to double check our ID's, the white boys just flash their
cards and walk on through."

Work clothes have been donated to the rescue workers insuch abundance that the site managers are giving them away to workers. But James tells us "If you are black and walking off the site with one of the big bags they give you to carry the work gear you are asking for trouble. We often get stopped leaving the site. A crowd of black and white workers can approach the security people with bags and they pull the black workers over, like they suspect us of looting or something.

 I mean their whole body language during the interrogation is
aggressive, looking us up and down with their hands on their guns.
It's really annoying, seems like every single day there's something.
But you just look past it because we've got a serious job to do.
 But we talk about it all the time amongst ourselves."

The real drag about all the suspicion of looting is that James has witnessed white cops looting.
Recently some media talking heads were expressing disbelief that any
 of "these heroes could be engaged in looting." Perhaps that's why they
are not reporting incidents like the one James describes: "See, there are
 still a lot of stores in the disaster area that have broken windows and at night some of these areas are without lights. So it's a thieves paradise except there aren't suppose to be any thieves out there, and it would be
nearly impossible for them to get off the site with there loot. But the other night I saw six white cops get busted with several Rolex wrist watches
 that they had stolen from an expensive shop in the financial district.
I saw this happen but I have not seen a word of it on television!"

Having gone into the Navy right out of high school, where he was a
basketball star with college scholarship offers, James has recently
returned to civilian life and is resuming his education. Since his college
is located in the disaster area, he is not falling behind in his classes.
A  sensitiveand intelligent young man who is barely twenty, James is
highly conscious of the role misguided American foreign policy has
contributed to the rise of militant Islam.

The aircraft carrier on which he was assigned once steamed to the
 Persian Gulf and participated in an action against Iraq.
 At the time he didn't understand the purpose of the mission but as
a flight director on deck "I saw the weapons director load the planes
with weapons and they came back empty."This experience has made
 him skeptical of what the media or government tells us about what's
 going on in the world, and he is far less hawkish than the politicians
calling for the invasion of Afghanistan.

After spending many hours digging through the rubble Jamesbelieves
that the final toll maybe exceed the present estimate of around 6,400
casualties. As the stench of death grows more pronounced with each
 passing day at the site,James finds that his military training helps him
 to cope with the grotesque reality that now consumes twelve hours of
his day. "The smell of rotting bodies is getting so bad that they may eventually have to evacuate some parts of this city," he says. "Right
 now some of the guys I'm working with are getting sick because they
can't eat their lunch after smelling the stench. But the military trained
me to cope with a situation where mass killing was taking place."

Copyright (c) 2001 The Black World Today. All Rights Reserved.

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Subject:   [Fwd: Fwd: [BRC-NEWS] Williams Sisters Combat Racism]
Subject: [BRC-NEWS] Williams Sisters Combat Racism
Date: Fri,  7 Sep 2001 20:33:59 -0400 (EDT)

[Moderator's Note: Also read "The Sisters vs. The World"
<http://www.time.com/time/covers/1101010903/cover.html and
"Williams Sisters Still Served Ancient Racial Stereotypes"

September 7, 2001

Williams Sisters Combat Racism

By Dennis Childs dchilds@uclink4.berkeley.edu

This is to let all of you know about a historic event that
will be taking place tomorrow evening in New York City.
For the first time in the history of professional tennis two
Black people will be meeting in a grand slam final. There
are three levels (well probably more) of irony attached to
the event:1) The event will take place on American soil
between two descendants of African slaves from Compton

2) It will be a match between Venus and Serena Williams --
two sisters.

3) The match will take place at a locale called "Arthur Ashe
memorial stadium" -- and for those of you who may not know,
Arthur Ashe was the first and only Black male to win a grand
slam final some 30 or so years ago. And, I'll say
parenthetically that he did so while receiving repeated
death threats.

What is most revealing regarding CBS's coverage of both
semi-final matches today is that they refused to mention
that the import of the prospective "sister final" has to do
with more than the fact that the contestants are related --
that the miracle of their accomplishment underlines the
entire history of racial subjection, segregation, and social
division which constitutes the very fabric of "American"

All of you, i presume, are familiar with the manner in which
the Williams sisters, along with their father Richard, have
been demonized in the US media ever since their ascension up
the ranks of the tennis world. In one particular instance a
popular nation-wide radio personality -- Jim Rome --
referred to the sisters as "Predator 1 & Predator 2" citing
what he viewed as their unattractive personality on and off
the court; this comment is of course fraught with an
ensemble of racist ascriptions having to do with the
ostensible unattractiveness -- i.e. ALIEN -- phenotypical
and metaphysical aspects of blackness -- labels that have
reigned in Euro-American discourse for centuries.

The question that the media will refuse to ask is why is it
such a miracle that two Black sisters are meeting in a major
tennis final? Why are we so enthusiastic and yet so shocked?
For those of us familiar with how general social inequity
under a racist context has always seeped into the sociology
of sport, the answer is all-too clear. Tennis has always
been one of those global terrains that has been kept beyond
the horizon of racially and economically repressed peoples.
A recent headline in sports illustrated bespeaks the level
to which white paranoia regarding an imminent influx into
all major sports by Black people has translated into a
quarantining of select sports such as golf, tennis, hockey,
and most winter sports: the headline read, "What Ever
Happened to the White Athlete?"

This rhetorical question signals the fact that the white
racist imaginary does not even want to grant free access to
the one spectrum of social activity that Blacks have been
able to infiltrate. Historical figures such as Wilma
Rudolph, Paul Robeson, Jackie Robinson, and Arthur Ashe --
along with innumerable nameless others -- all literally put
their lives on the line so people such as the Williams
sisters and Tiger Woods could have the opportunity to excel.
However, certain sports such as golf and tennis have
maintained their aristocratic/slave class membership
requisites, a fact that has never been thrown into relief
more overtly than when it was found that the country club
where golf's "Master's" championship had maintained a "no
black member clause" in their books right up to Tiger's
first victory in that championship. The tour members'
echoing of the club's racist sentiments was revealed when a
long time golf pro, Fuzzy Zeller, was asked on camera what
he thought of Woods's resounding victory, to which he
commented: "I think its great, maybe next year they'll serve
fried chicken and watermelon."

A similar comment was recently made by one of the Williams'
sisters US Open semi-final foes -- Martina Hingis -- in
which the European woman was asked about the sisters' rise
to fame. To paraphrase, she responded by saying that it is
no accident that the sisters are doing so well, that as
Blacks they have had it "easy" because any time anything
goes wrong in their game they can blame it on racism. One
wonders how "easy" it would have been for Hingis to reach
the Williams sisters' level of accomplishment if she had
been raised in Compton and had to depend only on a family
member for coaching. Here we have a classic example of the
calculus of modern racist ideology whereby historically
repressed peoples are pathologized for calling attention to
their life circumstances.

Thus, for me, a long time tennis fan, it is almost too
fitting that Serena beat Hingis in such a one-sided fashion
today, and that Venus turned around and beat America's
tennis darling, Jennifer Capriatti, in straight sets. And,
the most karmic element of it all is that all Americans will
have to watch the US open final being played between two
descendants of slaves at Arthur Ashe Stadium. Its moments
like this that let us know that that far off horizon called
hope still exists. I hope everyone will watch and record,
and like me, count the number of times the media
personalities will mention -- or not mention -- anything
I've stated in this writing.


Dennis Childs is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of
English at the University of California at Berkeley.

Copyright (c) 2001 Dennis Childs. All Rights Reserved.

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